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Posts from the ‘Consumer Information’ Category

1
Nov

How long can Consumers Keep Carrying the Economy?

Consumer spending accounts for about two-thirds of U.S. gross domestic product (GDP), so it plays an outsized role in driving economic growth or slowing it down.1 For the last 18 months, U.S. consumers have kept the economy strong despite high inflation and rising interest rates. There is much discussion as to whether consumer spending will continue into 2024.

The Federal Reserve recently did not adjust interest rates. Raising interest rates has the same impact as increasing consumer spending. Both the level of consumer spending and increased interest rates help combat inflation. The Fed’s actions regarding interest rates try to balance numerous factors including consumer spending and employment. A reversal of spending and interest rates could lead to a recession

Measuring spending and inflation

The standard measure of consumer spending is personal consumption expenditures (PCE), released each month by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA). Economists look at the monthly change in PCE  for the short-term trend and the year-over-year change for the longer-term trend.

September PCE increased 0.7% over August, a strong monthly growth rate and up from 0.4% in August over July. The September increase was 0.4% measured in “real” inflation-adjusted dollars, which indicates that consumers were spending more than the rate of inflation. The annual change in PCE was 5.9%, well above the 3.4% annual change in the PCE price index, which is the Fed’s preferred measure of inflation. (The Fed’s target for PCE inflation is 2%.)2–3

The pandemic effect

The current consumer spending story began with the pandemic recession, when a broad range of business activity stopped, and consumers received large government stimulus packages with little to spend it on. In April 2020, the personal saving rate — the percentage of personal income  that remains after taxes and spending — spiked to a record 32%, almost double the previous high. It declined as businesses reopened but remained above pre-pandemic levels until late 2021, when stimulus had ended, and high inflation made spending more expensive. The September 2023 saving rate was just 3.4%, well below the 6.5% average before the pandemic.4 While a low saving rate could be cause for concern in the long term, it indicates that consumers are willing to spend their income despite higher prices.

Why are consumers spending instead of saving?

Multiple explanations have been offered for this high-spending/low-saving pattern. Some lower-income consumers may be spending a larger percentage of their income because they must — they are spending more for basic needs due to high inflation. People with more disposable income might still be responding to pent-up demand for goods and services that were not available during the pandemic. And, after the tragedies and disruptions of the pandemic, some consumers may prefer to spend now and worry less about the future. The expensive housing market could be adding to this trend by making a typical saving goal seem unattainable to younger consumers.5

On a macro level, however, consumers may be spending instead of saving because they still have substantial savings. Although it was thought that pandemic-era savings were nearly exhausted, revised government data suggests there may be $1 trillion to $1.8 trillion in so-called “excess savings” still available. About half of this is likely held by households in the top 10% income bracket, but that still leaves a large savings buffer that could continue to drive middle-class spending for some time.6

The recently released Federal Reserve Survey of Consumer Finances revealed a similar story. The average inflation-adjusted median net worth of American families jumped by a record 37% from 2019 to 2022 — more than double the previous highest increase in the Fed survey, which is released every three years. Every demographic group saw substantial increases, but the largest by far was for consumers under age 35, whose net worth increased 143%. Because this survey only went through 2022, it does not capture the effects of continuing inflation in 2023.7

Wages and inflation

While pandemic-era savings may support consumer spending well into 2024, only wages can maintain strong spending for the long term. The question is whether wages will keep up with inflation without rising so quickly that they drive inflation even higher. For the 12-month period ending September 2023, average hourly earnings increased 4.2%. This was above the 3.4% PCE inflation rate over the same period, but down from the 5.1% pace of wage increases a year earlier.8 The fact that wage growth is keeping up with inflation while also slowing down bodes well for the goal of taming inflation with continued consumer spending.

Holiday spending

The winter holiday season, officially defined as November and December, accounts for about 20% of retail spending for the year, and is even more important for some retailers. An annual survey by the National Retail Federation found that consumers plan to spend an average of $875 this year on gifts, decorations, holiday meals, and other seasonal items. This is up from $833 in 2022 and slightly above the five-year average.9  Two broader surveys have found declines in consumer confidence in recent months, but it remains to be seen whether this leads to a decline in spending.10-11 While the winter holidays are not a “make or break” situation for the U.S. economy, this year’s holiday spending may provide clues to consumer behavior in the new year.

1–2, 4) U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 2023

3, 7) Federal Reserve, 2023

5) The Wall Street Journal, October 1, 2023

6) Bloomberg, October 10, 2023

8) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2023

9) National Retail Federation, 2023

10) The Conference Board, September 26, 2023

11) University of Michigan, October 27, 2023

4
Oct

Rising Oil Prices Could Be a Threat to the Economy

Oil prices have increased more than 30% since late June, driving up transportation costs for consumers and businesses and putting financial markets on edge. West Texas Intermediate crude, the U.S. benchmark for oil prices, was $93 per barre September 27, the highest level since August 2022. Brent crude (the global oil benchmark) rose above $96.1

Gasoline prices have followed suit. On September 27, the national average price for a gallon of unleaded gas was $3.83, up from $3.75 a year earlier. The price in California, the most expensive state for gasoline, averaged $5.89 per gallon.2

Market dynamics have impacted fuel prices in recent months. This adds concerns about broader inflation and the nation’s economic prospects.

Tight oil supplies

Oil prices are sensitive to shifts in the delicate balance between supply and demand in the global market. Much of the third quarter’s increase has been attributed to a combination of record-high global demand and coordinated supply cuts.3 On September 5, Saudi Arabia and Russia announced the extension of voluntary production cuts (1.3 million barrels per day combined) through the end of 2023. These cuts, which began in June, are on top of cuts that were previously put in place through 2024 by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), along with Russia and other allied oil producers (dubbed OPEC+). In total, supply cuts are expected to reduce global crude inventories by 3.3 million barrels per day in Q4 2023.4

OPEC is a coalition of 13 member countries, led by Saudi Arabia, which regulate their output to support oil prices. OPEC joined forces with the 10 OPEC+ countries in 2016 so they would have more power to influence prices. The two groups produced about 59% of the world’s supply of crude in 2022.5

Even so, OPEC does not have the iron grip on the oil market that it once wielded. Due to advances in shale drilling methods, U.S. oil production has more than doubled since 2011. The United States has been the top oil-producing nation since 2018 and was responsible for 20% of the world’s total in 2022. Saudi Arabia and Russia followed behind with 12% and 11%, respectively.6

Pain at the pump

Crude accounted for 57% of the nationwide cost of a gallon of gas in 2022, with the remainder reflecting refining costs, marketing and distribution, and taxes. Moreover, market conditions and gas prices vary widely by state and region.7

Gas prices also respond to seasonal demand shifts. For example, they tend to climb in the summer, when more drivers hit the road for vacations, then decline in the fall. In addition to the rising cost of crude, extreme heat in 2023 forced refineries in the Southeast to operate below capacity for safety reasons, pushing up prices even more than would be typical in the summer.8

On the bright side, the national average gas price is still below the record of $5.02 set in June 2022, when global oil costs spiked in the months following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. And most states switch to a cheaper winter blend by October, which could deliver some price relief.9

Will U.S. drilling fill the gap?

Gasoline and heating oil (both derived from crude) are essential expenses for many households, which may leave them with less money to spend on other goods and services. A broad pullback in consumer spending — which accounts for about two-thirds of U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) — could take a significant toll on growth.10

Extended periods of high oil prices have been blamed for bringing on recessions in the past, and low prices have sometimes provided an economic boost. But this relationship has become more complex as the United States has expanded its presence in the global oil market. The United States has been called a swing producer because production levels often fluctuate in response to market prices. High oil prices tend to benefit producers by pumping up company profits, and they incentivize more hiring and drilling. A surge in drilling could have a positive impact on GDP that offsets some of the negative forces.

But more U.S. production is not guaranteed. With oil prices sitting above $100 per barrel for much of 2022, companies were reluctant to invest in drilling.11 In recent weeks, U.S. producers have reportedly added drilling rigs in the shale oil patch at the fastest rate since November of 2022, but it’s still unknown whether U.S. production will increase enough to lower prices.12

Inflation and the Fed

When fuel costs are high, businesses must decide whether to absorb them — lowering profit margins — or pass them on to consumers, which could reignite inflation across the economy.

Measured by the consumer price index (CPI), inflation increased 0.6% in August and was up 3.7% over the previous year. A 10.6% surge in gasoline prices was responsible for more than half of that monthly increase.13

The Federal Reserve has been raising interest rates aggressively to control inflation by slowing economic activity. Despite the rate hikes, the economy has remained surprisingly strong, so higher fuel costs may help the Fed’s efforts to slow the pace. Even so, the inflationary effects associated with rising oil prices appear to be another risk to the economic outlook that Fed policymakers must consider as they decide the future path of interest rates.

1) The Wall Street Journal, September 27, 2023

2, 9) American Automobile Association, 2023

3, 12) The Wall Street Journal, September 19, 2023

4) Bloomberg, September 12, 2023

5–7) U.S. Energy Information Administration, 2023

8) Associated Press, August 2, 2023

10) U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 2023

11) The Wall Street Journal, February 24, 2022

13) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2023

27
Jul

RMD Relief and Guidance for 2023

Earlier IRS proposed regulations regarding required minimum distributions (RMDs) reflected  changes made by the Setting Every Community Up for Retirement Enhancement (SECURE) Act of 2019. IRS delayed releasing final regulations to include changes to RMDs made by the SECURE 2.0 Act of 2022, which was passed in late 2022. IRS issued interim RMD relief and guidance for 2023. Final RMD regulations, when issued, will not apply before 2024.

Relief with respect to change in RMD age to 73

The RMD age is the age at which IRA owners and employees must generally start taking distributions from their IRAs and workplace retirement plans. There is an exception that may apply if an employee is still working for the employer sponsoring the plan. (For Roth IRAs, RMDs are not required during the lifetime of the IRA owner.)

The SECURE 2.0 Act of 2022 increased the general RMD age from 72 to 73 (for individuals reaching age 72 after 2022). Since then, some individuals reaching age 72 in 2023 have taken distributions for 2023 even though they do not need to take a distribution until they reach age 73 under the changes made by the legislation.

Distributions, other than RMDs which cannot be rolled over, from IRAs and other workplace retirement plans can generally be rolled over tax-free to another retirement account within 60 days of the distribution. The 60-day window for a rollover may already have passed for some individuals who took distributions that were not required in 2023.

To help those individuals, the IRS is extending the deadline for the 60-day rollover period for certain distributions until September 30, 2023. Specifically, the relief is available with respect to any distributions made between January 1, 2023, and July 31, 2023, to an IRA owner or employee (or the IRA owner’s surviving spouse) who was born in 1951 if the distributions would have been RMDs but for the change in the RMD age to 73.

Generally, only one rollover is permitted from a particular IRA within a 12-month period. The special rollover allowed under this relief is permitted even if the IRA owner or surviving spouse has rolled over a distribution in the last 12 months. However, making such a rollover will preclude the IRA owner or surviving spouse from rolling over a distribution in the next 12 months. However, an individual could still make direct trustee-to-trustee transfers since they do not count as rollovers under the one-rollover-per-year rule.

Inherited IRAs and retirement plans

Before the SECURE Act, RMDs for IRAs and retirement plans inherited before 2020 could generally be spread over the life expectancy of a designated beneficiary. The SECURE Act changed the RMD rules by requiring that in most cases the entire account must be distributed 10 years after the death of the IRA owner or employee if there is a designated beneficiary (and if death occurred after 2019). However, an exception allows an eligible designated beneficiary to take distributions over their life expectancy and the 10-year rule would not apply until after the death of the eligible designated beneficiary in that case.

Eligible designated beneficiaries include a spouse or minor child of the IRA owner or employee, a disabled or chronically ill individual, and an individual no more than 10 years younger than the IRA owner or employee. The entire account would also need to be distributed 10 years after a minor child reaches the age of majority (i.e., at age 31).

The proposed regulations issued in early 2022 surprised many when they suggested that annual distributions are also required during the first nine years of such 10-year periods in most cases. Comments on the proposed regulations sent to the IRS asked for some relief because RMDs had already been missed and a 25% penalty tax (50% prior to 2023) is assessed when an individual fails to take an RMD.

The IRS has announced that it will not assert the penalty tax in certain circumstances where individuals affected by the RMD changes failed to take annual distributions in 2023 during one of the 10-year periods. (Similar relief was previously provided for 2021 and 2022.) For example, relief may be available if the IRA owner or employee died in 2020, 2021, or 2022 and on or after their required beginning date (The required beginning date is usually April 1 of the year after the IRA owner or employee reaches RMD age. Roth IRA owners are always treated as dying before their required beginning date) and the designated beneficiary who is not an eligible designated beneficiary did not take annual distributions for 2021, 2022, or 2023 as required (during the 10-year period following the IRA owner’s or employee’s death). Relief might also be available if an eligible designated beneficiary died in 2020, 2021, or 2022 and annual distributions were not taken in 2021, 2022, or 2023 as required (during the 10-year period following the eligible designated beneficiary’s death).

24
May

Have You Been Following the Debt Ceiling Debate?

President Joe Biden and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy met on May 22 to discuss raising the statutory limit on U.S. government debt, generally called the debt ceiling. There was not resolution although both termed the discussion “productive,”, and their respective negotiating teams continued discussions.1 Here are some answers to questions you may have about the issues behind the current impasse.

What is the debt ceiling? The debt ceiling is a statutory limit on cumulative U.S. government debt, which is the sum of annual deficits since 1835 — the only time the U.S. government had no debt — plus interest owed to investors who purchased  Treasury securities issued to finance the debt.2 It limits the amount that the government can borrow to meet financial obligations already authorized by Congress. It does not authorize future spending. However, raising the debt ceiling has been used in recent years as leverage to negotiate on the federal budget.

Why do we have a debt ceiling? A debt ceiling was first introduced in 1917 to make it easier for the federal government to borrow during World War I. Before that time, all borrowing had to be authorized by Congress in extremely specific terms, which made it difficult to respond to changing needs. The modern debt ceiling, which aggregates almost all federal debt under one limit, was established in 1939 and has generally been used as a flexible structure to encourage fiscal responsibility.3 Since 1960, the ceiling has been raised, modified, or suspended 78 times, mostly with little fanfare until a political battle in 2011.4

How much is the debt ceiling? The current limit was set by Congress at about $31.4 trillion in December 2021.5 The debt was less than $6 trillion in 2001, when it began to rise due to tax cuts and increased military and national security spending in response to 9/11. It has tripled since 2008, driven by reduced tax revenues and stimulus spending during the Great Recession and the COVID-19 pandemic.6

When will we reach the debt ceiling? The government reached the $31.4 trillion limit on January 19, 2023. Since then, the Treasury has been using short-term accounting tactics (called “extraordinary measures”) to allow spending for a limited period without raising the ceiling.7 According to Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, this extension is expected to expire on or shortly after June 1, 2023.8 The so-called “X-date” could vary because tax revenues are not fully predictable. It has come more quickly than anticipated, due to postponement of the tax-filing deadline for disaster-area taxpayers in certain states and lower capital gains tax receipts.9

What will happen if the ceiling is not increased? The U.S. government will not be able to pay all its financial obligations. This has never happened, so it is difficult to predict exactly how it would play out. The Treasury could still pay some of its obligations from incoming revenues, but there would have to be choices regarding what bills would not be paid. These are some of the possible results.

  • The government could default on its bond payments. U.S. Treasury securities are generally considered among the safest investments in the world because they are backed by the full faith and credit of the U.S. government as to the timely payment of principal and interest. These securities are widely held by individual and institutional investors as well as local, state, and foreign governments. Even the possibility of defaulting on interest payments could disrupt global markets, and an extended default could have serious economic repercussions around the world. An estimate by Moody’s Analytics suggests that a one-week default could send the U.S. economy into a mild recession with the loss of 1.5 million jobs and real GDP contraction of 0.7 percentage point. A default through the end of July (which seems highly unlikely) could cause a deep recession with 7.8 million lost jobs and a real GDP decline of 4.6%. Any default, or even near-default, could result in downgrading the U.S. credit rating, as occurred in 2011. This would make borrowing more expensive, adding to the ongoing problem.10
  • Government payments could be delayed. Social Security and Veterans benefit payments could be delayed, causing hardship to those who depend on them for immediate needs. The same is true for wages of U.S. government workers, and overdue payments to government contractors could mean they may not be able to pay their employees. Late reimbursements to Medicare providers could strain smaller hospitals and medical practices. Any past due payments would be made once the debt ceiling is raised, but the short-term consequences could be painful.

What are the issues in the negotiations? Public statements from negotiators indicate the key issues include caps on future spending, use of unspent COVID-relief funds, work requirements for certain social programs, and expediting rules for energy projects. Both sides have agreed to spending caps in general terms, but they differ on how caps should be structured. The 2011 debt ceiling impasse resulted in spending caps, which had mixed results over the long term.11 Any caps would only affect discretionary spending, accounts for just 28% of federal spending. Defense spending is almost half of that amount. The rest is mandatory spending, including Social Security and Medicare (which will account for nearly 35% of federal spending in 2023) and interest on the national debt.12

Will there be a resolution? It is impossible to know for sure, but both sides have clearly stated that they will not allow the U.S. government to default on its obligations. However, time is growing short, and any agreement must pass in both the House and the Senate, requiring at least some bipartisan support. Speaker McCarthy has said that an agreement must be reached early enough to give House lawmakers a required 72-hour period to review the legislation before the June 1 deadline.13 If an agreement is not reached by that time, a temporary measure could suspend or raise the ceiling for a limited period to provide more time for negotiations.

Should investors worry? Although a default could have serious market repercussions, the most likely scenario is that the ceiling will be suspended or raised close to the deadline. If so, any related market volatility is likely to be temporary.14 While the U.S. debt is a significant issue, your investment strategy should be based on your long-term goals and risk tolerance, and it’s generally wise to stay the course through political conflicts.

The  principal value of Treasury securities fluctuates with market conditions. If not held to maturity, they could be worth more or less than the original amount paid. Forecasts are based on current conditions, are subject to change, and may not happen.

1, 11, 13) The New York Times, May 22, 2023

2, 4, 6, 8) U.S. Treasury, 2023

3) Bipartisan Policy Center, 2023

5, 7, 12) Congressional Budget Office, February 2023

9-10, 14) Moody’s Analytics, May 2023

2
May

Rescuing America’s Safety Net

A March 2023 survey found that more than 90% of Americans worry about the Social Security program, and about half of those said they worry a great deal.1 A separate survey the same month found that more than 80% of Americans worry Medicare will not be able to provide the same level of benefits in the future.2

These concerns are well-founded, because both programs — the cornerstones of “America’s Safety Net” — face serious fiscal challenges that require Congressional action. And the longer Congress waits to act, the more extreme the solutions will have to be. Even so, it’s important to keep in mind that neither of these programs is in danger of collapsing completely. The question is what type of changes will be required to rescue them.

Demographic Dilemma

The fundamental problem facing both programs is the aging of the American population. Today’s workers pay taxes to fund benefits received by today’s retirees, and with lower birth rates and longer life spans, there are fewer workers paying into the programs and more retirees receiving benefits for a longer period. In 1960, there were 5.1 workers for each Social Security beneficiary;  in 2023 there are 2.7, dropping steadily to 2.2 by 2045.3

Dwindling Trust Funds

Payroll taxes from today’s workers, along with income taxes on Social Security benefits, go into interest-bearing trust funds. During times when payroll taxes and other income exceeded benefit payments, these funds built up reserve assets. But now the reserves are being depleted as they supplement payroll taxes and other income to meet scheduled benefit payments.

Each year, the Trustees of the Social Security and Medicare Trust Funds provide detailed reports to Congress that track the programs’ current financial condition and projected financial outlook. These reports have warned for years that the trust funds would be depleted in the not-too-distant future, and the most recent reports, both released on March 31, 2023, suggest that the future may arrive even sooner than expected.

Social Security Outlook

Social Security consists of two programs, each with its own trust fund. Retired workers and their families and survivors receive monthly benefits under the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) program; disabled workers and their families receive monthly benefits under the Disability Insurance (DI) program.

The OASI Trust Fund reserves are projected to be depleted in 2033, one year earlier than in last year’s report, at which time incoming revenue would pay only 77% of scheduled benefits. Reserves in the much smaller DI Trust Fund, which is on stronger footing, are not projected to be depleted during the 75-year period ending 2097.4

Under current law, these two trust funds cannot be combined, but the Trustees  also provide an estimate for the combined program, referred to as OASDI. This would extend full benefits another year, to 2034, at which time, incoming revenue would pay only 80% of scheduled benefits.5

Put simply, the current outlook suggests that Social Security beneficiaries might face a benefit cut of 23% in a decade unless Congress takes action.

Medicare Outlook

Medicare also has two trust funds. The Hospital Insurance (HI) Trust Fund pays for inpatient and hospital care under Medicare Part A. The Supplementary Medical Insurance (SMI) Trust Fund comprises two accounts: one for Medicare Part B physician and outpatient costs and the other for Medicare Part D prescription drug costs.

The HI trust fund reserves are projected to be depleted in 2031. This is three years later than in last year’s report, due to lower costs and higher payroll taxes, but still more imminent than the Social Security shortfall. At that time, revenue would pay only 89% of the program’s costs.6

The SMI Trust Fund accounts for Medicare Parts B and D are expected to have sufficient funding because they are automatically balanced through premiums and revenue from the federal government’s general fund, which provides about 75% of costs, a major outlay from the federal budget.7

Possible Fixes

The Trustees of both programs continue to urge Congress to address these financial shortfalls soon, so that solutions will be less drastic and may be implemented gradually.

Any permanent fix to Social Security would likely require a combination of changes, including some of these.8

  • Raise the Social Security payroll tax rate  (currently 12.4%, half paid by the employee and half by the employer). An immediate and permanent payroll tax increase to 15.84% would be necessary to address the long-range revenue shortfall (or to 16.55% if the increase started in 2034).9
  • Raise the ceiling on wages subject to Social Security payroll taxes ($160,200 in 2023).
  • Raise the full retirement age (currently 67 for anyone born in 1960 or later).
  • Change the benefit calculation formula.
  • Use a different index to calculate the annual cost-of-living adjustment.
  • Tax a higher percentage of benefits for higher-income beneficiaries.

Options for reducing the Medicare shortfall include a combination of spending cuts and tax increases. These are some possibilities.10

  • Improve the payment system for Medicare Advantage Plans  (private plans that receive partial funding from Medicare).
  • Modernize cost sharing between Medicare and Medigap (supplementary insurance).
  • Increase the Medicare payroll tax rate  (currently 2.9%, shared equally between employee and employer, with an additional 0.9% on income above $200,000 for single filers and $250,000 for joint filers).11
  • Broaden the tax base subject to Medicare payroll taxes (there is no income ceiling for Medicare payroll taxes, but certain income is currently not subject to the tax).

Based on past changes to these programs, it’s likely that any future changes would primarily affect future beneficiaries and have a relatively small effect on those already receiving benefits. While neither Social Security nor Medicare is in danger of disappearing, it would be wise to maintain a strong retirement savings strategy to prepare for potential changes to America’s Safety Net.

All projections are based on current conditions, subject to change, and may not happen.

1) Gallup, April 6, 2023

2) Kaiser Family Foundation, March 2023

3–5, 9) 2023 Social Security Trustees Report

6–7, 11) 2023 Medicare Trustees Report

8) Social Security Administration, February 21, 2023

10) Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, June 16, 2022

19
Jan

IRS Standard Mileage Rates for 2023

IRS has increased the optional standard mileage rates for computing the deductible costs of operating an automobile for business purposes for 2023. The rates for business use are revised to reflect recent increases in the price of fuel. Standard mileage rates for medical and moving expense purposes remain the same for 2023. The standard mileage rate for computing the deductible costs of operating an automobile for charitable purposes is set by statute and remains unchanged.

For 2023, the standard mileage rates are as follows:

Business use of auto: 65.5 cents per mile (up from 62.5 cents for the period July 1, 2022, to December 31, 2022*) may be deducted if an auto is used for business purposes. If you are an employee, your employer can reimburse you for your business travel expenses using the standard mileage rate. However, if you are an employee and your employer does not reimburse you for your business travel expenses, you cannot currently deduct your unreimbursed travel expenses as miscellaneous itemized deductions.

Charitable use of auto: 14 cents per mile (the same as for 2022) may be deducted if an auto is used to provide services to a charitable organization if you itemize deductions on your income tax return. Your charitable deduction may be limited to certain percentages of your adjusted gross income, depending on the type of charity.

Medical use of auto: 22 cents per mile (the same as for the period July 1, 2022, to December 31, 2022*) may be deducted if an auto is used to obtain medical care (or for other deductible medical reasons) if you itemize deductions on your income tax return. You can deduct only the part of your medical and dental expenses that exceeds 7.5% of the amount of your adjusted gross income.

Moving expense use of auto: 22 cents per mile (the same as for the period July 1, 2022, to December 31, 2022*) may be deducted if an auto is used by a member of the Armed Forces on active duty to move, pursuant to a military order, to a permanent change of station (unless such expenses are reimbursed). The deduction for moving expenses is not currently available for other taxpayers.

*Last year, in a rare mid-year adjustment to the standard mileage rates, the IRS increased the rates for the second half of 2022.

3
Nov

What Does a Strong Dollar Mean for the U.S. Economy?

In late September 2022, the U.S. dollar hit  a 20-year high in an index that measures  its value against six major currencies: the euro, the Japanese yen, the British pound, the Canadian dollar, the Swedish krona, and the Swiss franc. At the same time, a broader inflation-adjusted index that captures a basket of 26 foreign currencies reached its highest level since 1985. Both indexes eased slightly but remained near their highs in October.1–2

Intuitively, it might seem that a strong dollar is good for the U.S. economy, but the effects are mixed in the context of other domestic and global pressures.

World Standard

The U.S. dollar is the world’s reserve currency. About 40% of global financial transactions are executed in dollars, with or without U.S. involvement.3As such, foreign governments, global financial institutions, and multinational companies all hold dollars, providing a level of demand regardless of other forces.

Demand for the dollar tends to increase during difficult times as investors seek stability and security.  Despite high inflation and recession predictions, the U.S. economy remains the strongest in the world.4 Other countries are battling inflation, too, and the strong dollar is making their battles more difficult. The United States recovered more quickly from the pandemic recession, putting it in a better position to weather inflationary pressures.

The Federal Reserve’s aggressive policy to combat inflation by raising interest rates has driven demand for the dollar even higher because of the appealing rates on dollar-denominated assets such as U.S. Treasury securities. Some other central banks have begun to raise rates as well — to fight inflation and offer better yields on their own securities. But the strength of the U.S. economy allows the Fed to push rates higher and faster,  which is likely to maintain the dollar’s advantage for some time.

Exports and Imports

The strong dollar makes imported goods cheaper and exported goods more expensive. Cheaper imports are generally good for consumers and for companies that use foreign-manufactured supplies, but they can undercut domestic sales by U.S. producers.

At the same time, the strong dollar effectively raises prices for goods that U.S. companies sell in foreign markets, making it more difficult to compete and reducing the value of foreign purchases. For example, a U.S. company that sells 10,000 euros worth of goods to  a foreign buyer would receive less revenue when a euro buys fewer dollars. Some experts are concerned that the strong dollar will dampen the post-pandemic rebound in U.S. manufacturing.5 More broadly, the ballooning trade deficit cuts into U.S. gross domestic product (GDP), which includes imports as a negative input and exports as a positive input.

Overseas Exposure

Generally, large multinational companies have the most exposure to risk from currency imbalances, and the stock market has shown signs of a shift from large companies — which have dominated the market since before the pandemic — to smaller companies that may be more nimble and less dependent on overseas sales. The S&P SmallCap 600 index has outperformed the S&P 500 index through late October; if the trend continues through the end of the year, it would be the first time since 2016 that small caps have eclipsed large caps.6 The S&P MidCap 400 index has done even better. In the current bear market, however, better performance means lower losses; all three indexes have had double-digit losses through October 2022.7

Global Pain

A weak currency can be a boon for a country by making its exports more competitive. But with the world economy weakening, other countries are not reaping those benefits, while paying more on debt and imported essentials such as food and fuel that are traded in dollars. The Fed is focused on domestic concerns, but it is effectively exporting inflation while trying to control it at home, and global economic pain could ultimately spread to the U.S. economy.8

Slowing the Dollar

In the near term, the Fed’s aggressive rate hikes may reduce domestic demand for foreign goods, reducing the trade deficit and weakening the dollar. The advance Q3 2022 GDP estimate showed the trade gap closing, but it’s unclear if the trend will last.9

In the longer term, as inflation eases in the United States, the Fed will likely take its foot off the gas pedal and ultimately bring rates down. This would allow other central banks to catch up if they choose to do so and would make foreign currencies and securities more appealing. Lower oil prices (denominated  in dollars) and/or any reduction in world tensions — such as a slowdown in the Russia-Ukraine war — might also help reduce demand for dollars.

The dynamics of these factors are complex, and it may take time for any of them to unfold. In the meantime, the strong dollar is a sign of U.S. economic strength, and it would not be wise to place too much emphasis on it for long-term investment decisions. However, this could be a great time for an overseas vacation.

U.S. Treasury securities are guaranteed by the federal government as to the timely payment of principal and interest. The principal value of Treasury securities fluctuates with market conditions. If not held to maturity, they could  be worth more or less than the original  amount paid.

All investments are subject to market volatility and loss of principal. Investing internationally carries additional risks such as differences in financial reporting, currency exchange risk, and economic and political risk unique to the specific country. This may result in greater share price volatility. Shares, when sold, may be worth more or less than their original cost. The value of a foreign investment, measured in U.S. dollars, could decrease because of unfavorable changes in currency exchange rates.

The S&P 500 index is an unmanaged group of securities that is considered to be representative of the U.S. stock market in general. The performance of an unmanaged index is not indicative of the performance of any specific investment. Individuals cannot invest directly in an index. Past performance is not a guarantee of future results. Actual results will vary.

1) MarketWatch, October 19, 2022 (U.S. Dollar index)

2) Federal Reserve, 2022 (Real Broad Dollar index)

3, 8) The New York Times, September 26, 2022

4, 6) The Wall Street Journal, October 17, 2022

5) The Wall Street Journal, October 9, 2022

7) S&P Dow Jones Indices, 2022

9) U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 2022

17
Aug

Highlights of the Inflation Reduction Act High

The Inflation Reduction Act, signed into law on August 16, 2022, includes healthcare and energy-related provisions, a new corporate alternative minimum tax,  and an excise tax on certain corporate stock buybacks. Additional funding is also provided to the IRS. Some significant provisions in the Act are discussed below.

Medicare

The legislation authorizes the Department of Health and Human Services to negotiate Medicare prices for certain high-priced, single-source drugs. However, only 10 of the most expensive drugs will be chosen initially, and the negotiated prices will not take effect until 2026. For each of the following years, more negotiated drugs will be added.

Starting in 2025, a $2,000 annual cap (adjusted for inflation) will apply to out-of-pocket costs for Medicare Part D prescription drugs.

Deductibles will not apply to covered insulin products under Medicare Part D or under Part B for insulin furnished through durable medical equipment until 2023,  . Also, the applicable copayment amount for covered insulin products will be capped at $35 for a one-month supply.

Health Insurance

Starting in 2023, a high-deductible health plan can provide that the deductible does not apply to selected insulin products.

Affordable Care Act subsidies (scheduled to expire at the end of 2022) that improved affordability and reduced health insurance premiums have been extended through 2025. Indexing of percentage contribution rates used in determining a taxpayer’s required share of premiums is delayed until after 2025, preventing more significant premium increases. Additionally, those with household incomes higher than 400% of the federal poverty line remain eligible for the premium tax credit through 2025.

Energy-Related Tax Credits

Many current energy-related tax credits have been modified and extended, and a few new credits have been added. Many of the credits are available to businesses, and others are available to individuals. The following two credits are substantial revisions and extensions of an existing tax credit for electric vehicles.

Starting in 2023, a tax credit of up to $7,500 is available for the purchase of new clean electric vehicles meeting certain requirements. The credit is not available for vehicles with a manufacturer’s suggested retail price higher than $80,000 for sports utility vehicles and pickups, $55,000 for other vehicles. The credit is not available if the modified adjusted gross income (MAGI) of the purchaser exceeds $150,000 ($300,000 for joint filers and surviving spouses, $225,000 for heads of household). Starting in 2024, an individual can elect to transfer the credit to the dealer as payment for the vehicle.

Similarly, a tax credit of up to $4,000 is available for the purchase of certain previously owned clean electric vehicles from a dealer. The credit is not available for vehicles with a sales price exceeding $25,000. The credit is not available if the purchaser’s MAGI exceed $75,000 ($150,000 for joint filers and surviving spouses, $75,000 for heads of household). An individual can elect to transfer the credit to the dealer as payment for the vehicle.

Corporate Alternative Minimum Tax

For taxable years beginning after December 31, 2022, a new 15% alternative minimum tax (AMT) will apply to corporations (other than an S corporation, regulated investment company, or a real estate investment trust) with an average annual adjusted financial statement income more than $1 billion.

Adjusted financial statement income means the net income or loss of the taxpayer set forth in the corporation’s financial statement (often referred to as book income), with certain adjustments. If regular tax exceeds the tentative AMT, the excess amount can be carried forward as a credit against the AMT in future years.

Excise Tax on Repurchase of Stock

For corporate stock repurchases after December 31, 2022, a new 1% excise tax will be imposed on the value of a covered corporation’s stock repurchases during the taxable year.

A covered corporation means any domestic corporation whose stock is traded on an established securities market. However, the excise tax does not apply: (1) to a repurchase that is part of a nontaxable reorganization, (2) with respect to certain contributions of stock to an employer-sponsored retirement plan or employee stock ownership plan, (3) if the total value of stock repurchased during the year does not exceed $1 million, (4) to a repurchase by a securities dealer in the ordinary course of business, (5) to repurchases by a regulated investment company or a real estate investment trust, or (6) to the extent the repurchase is treated as a dividend for income tax purposes.

Increased Funding for the IRS

Substantial additional funds are provided to the IRS to help fund operations and business systems modernization and to improve enforcement of tax laws.

5
Aug

Are we in a Recession?

A common definition is that a recession occurs when there are two consecutive quarters of declining in gross domestic product (GDP). The GDP is the total of all the goods and services produced in a country. The National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) determines when the United States (U.S.) is in a recession. It is a private nonpartisan organization that began dating business cycles in 1929. The committee, which was formed in 1978, includes eight economists who specialize in macroeconomic and business cycle research.1 The NBER defines a recession as “a significant decline in economic activity that is spread across the economy and lasts more than a few months.” The committee looks at the big picture and makes exceptions as appropriate. For example, the economic decline of March and April 2020 was so extreme that it was declared a recession even though it lasted only two months.2

The committee studies a range  of monthly economic data, with special emphasis on six indicators: personal income, consumer spending, wholesale-retail sales, industrial production, and two measures of employment. Because official data is typically reported with a delay of a month or two — and patterns may be clear only in hindsight — it generally takes some time before the committee can identify a peak or trough. Some short recessions (including the 2020 downturn) were over by the time they were officially announced.3

Public Opinion
Consumer sentiment is a significant factor. It is a powerful factor in consumer spending. Consumer spending is a substantial part of GDP. An early July poll, 58% of Americans said they thought the U.S. economy was in a recession, up from 53% in June and 48% in May.4 Yet many economic indicators, notably employment,  remain strong. The current situation is unusual, and there is little consensus among economists as to whether a recession has begun or may be coming soon.5

GDP
Real (inflation-adjusted) GDP dropped at an annual rate of 1.6% in the first quarter of 2022 and by 0.9% in the second quarter.6

Since 1948, the U.S. economy has never experienced two consecutive quarters of negative GDP growth without a recession being declared. However, the current situation could be an exception, due to  the strong employment market and some anomalies in the GDP data.7

Negative first-quarter GDP was largely due to a record U.S. trade deficit, as businesses and consumers bought more imported goods to satisfy demand. This was a sign of economic strength rather than weakness. Consumer spending and business investment — the  two most important components of GDP — both increased for the quarter.8

Initial second-quarter GDP data showed a strong positive trade balance but slower growth in consumer spending, with an increase in spending on services and a decrease in spending on goods. The biggest negative factors were  a slowdown in residential construction  and a substantial cutback in growth of business inventories.9 Although inventory reductions can precede a recession, it’s too early to tell whether they signal trouble or are simply a return to more appropriate levels.10 Economists may not know whether the economy is contracting until there is additional monthly data.7

Employment

Economic data has been mixed recently. Consumer spending declined in May when adjusted for inflation, but bounced back in June.11 Retail sales were strong in June, but manufacturing output dropped for a second month.12 The strongest and most consistent data has been employment. The economy added 372,000 jobs in June, the third consecutive month of gains in that range. Total nonfarm employment is now just 0.3% below the pre-pandemic level, and private-sector employment is actually higher (offset by losses in government employment).13

The unemployment rate has been 3.6%  for four straight months, essentially the same as before the pandemic (3.5%),  which was the lowest rate since 1969.9 Initial unemployment claims ticked up slightly in mid-July but remained near historic lows.14  In the 12 recessions since World War II, the unemployment rate has always risen, with a median increase of 3.5 percentage points.16

With employment at such high levels, it may be questionable to characterize the current economic situation as a recession. However, the employment market could change, and recessions can be driven by fear as well as by fundamental economic weakness.

Inflation
The fear factor is inflation which ran at an annual rate of 9.1% in June, the highest since 1981.17 Wages have increased, but not enough to make up for the erosion of spending power, making many consumers more cautious despite the strong job market.18 If consumer spending slows significantly, a recession is certainly possible, even if it is not already under way.  Inflation has forced the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates aggressively, with a 0.50% increase in the benchmark federal funds rate in May, followed by 0.75% increases in June and July.18 It takes time for the effect of higher rates to filter through the economy, and it remains to be seen whether there will be a  “soft landing” or a  more jarring stop that throws the economy into a recession.

Among the factors driving inflation are: Covid-19, Russian Invasion of Ukraine, supply chain disruptions, CARES ACTs 1, 2 and 3, fewer homes for sale than buyers, limited supply of semiconductors .

Unfortunately, no one knows the future, and economic forecasts vary significantly. Forecast range from remote chance of a recession to an imminent downturn with a moderate recession in 2023.19 If that turns out to be the case, or if a recession arrives sooner, it’s important to remember that recessions are generally short-lived, lasting an average of just 10 months since World War II. By contrast, economic expansions have lasted 64 months.20 To put it simply: The good times typically last longer than the bad.

Projections are based on current conditions, are subject to change, and may not happen.

1-3) National Bureau of Economic Research, 2021

4)  Investor’s Business Daily, July 12, 2022

5) The Wall Street Journal, July 17, 2022

6) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2022

7-8) MarketWatch, July 5, 2022

6,9,11,21) U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 2022

10) The Wall Street Journal, July 28, 2022

12) Reuters, July 15, 2022

13–14, 17–18) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2022

15) The Wall Street Journal, July 14, 2022

16) The Wall Street Journal, July 4, 2022

19)  Federal Reserve, 2022

20) The New York Times, July 1, 2022

6
Jul

Good and Bad News about Social Security

With approximately 94% of American workers covered by Social Security and 65 million people currently receiving benefits, keeping Social Security healthy is a major concern.1 Social Security is financed primarily through payroll taxes. Unless Congress act benefits may eventually be reduced. Trustees of the Social Security Trust Funds     release a detailed  report to Congress in June. The good news was that the effects of the pandemic were not as significant as  projected a year ago.

Mixed news for Social Security

Social Security program consists of two programs, the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) program and Disability Insurance (OASDI). Each program has its own  financial account (Trust Fund). Payroll taxes collected are deposited in the applicable Trust Fund. OASI provide benefits to retired workers, their families, and survivors of workers. D provides benefits to disabled workers and their families. Funding is also provided by other income (reimbursements from the General Fund of the U.S. Treasury and income tax revenue from benefit taxation).

Social security is required to invest funds collected in special government-guaranteed Treasury bonds that earn interest. These funds are now being used to pay benefits more than the payroll tax collected. Payroll taxes are not sufficient to pay current benefits. Changes in our demographics are a significant reason for the deficiency.

A recent report by the Trustees estimate that the funds will not be able to fund full retirement and survivor benefits. Benefit would then be reduced to 77% of scheduled OASI benefits, declining to 72% through 2096, the end of the 75-year, long-range projection period.

The Trustees report, estimate the combined reserves (OASDI) will be able to pay scheduled benefits until 2035. Benefit would then be reduced to 80% of scheduled benefits, declining to 74% by 2096. OASI and DI Trust Funds are separate, and generally one program’s taxes and reserves cannot be used to fund the other program. However, this could be changed by Congress, and combining these trust funds in the report is a way to illustrate the financial outlook for Social Security as a whole.

The above is based on current conditions and likely future demographic, economic, and program-specific conditions. Future events including the impact of the pandemic may results in changes not reflected in the Trustee’s estimates.

Some changes can be made to improve the situation

The Trustees continue to urge Congress to address the financial challenges. The sooner Congress acts the less harsh the changes will be. Some of the options that have been suggested including the following:

  • Raising the current Social Security payroll tax rate. Increasing the payroll tax to 15.64% from 12.4% would correct the situation
  • Raising or eliminating the ceiling on wages subject to Social Security payroll taxes ($147,000 in 2022).
  • Raising the full retirement age from 67 (for anyone born in 1960 or later).
  • Raising the early retirement age from 62.
  • Reducing future benefits by about 20.3% for all current and future beneficiaries, or by about 24.1% if reductions were applied only to those who initially become eligible in 2022 or later.
  • Changing the benefit formula that is used to calculate benefits.
  • Calculating the annual cost-of-living adjustment (COLA) for benefits.

A comprehensive list of potential solutions can be found at https://www.ssa.gov/OACT/solvency/provisions/.

1) Social Security Administration, 2022